Bryn Mawr
Classical Review 2006.12.22
Cathy Gere, The Tomb of Agamemnon. Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press, 2006. Pp. 202. ISBN 0-674-02170-3. $19.95.
Reviewed by James P. Holoka, Foreign Language Department, Eastern
Michigan University (jholoka@emich.edu)
Word count: 1919 words
The Tomb of Agamemnon, unlike other monuments (the Parthenon, Alhambra,
Westminster Abbey, the Temple of Jerusalem, the Colosseum) in the
attractive "Wonders of the World" series to which this book belongs, is
a figment of the imagination. The vivid imaginings of Aeschylus in
antiquity and of Heinrich Schliemann in modern times have profoundly
shaped our conception of Bronze Age Greece. Gere's elegantly succinct
and enlightening book in fact takes for its subject an assemblage of the
iconic archaeological remains and their poetic archetypes or analogues:
the Bronze Age citadel of Mycenae with its Lion Gate, cyclopean walls,
palace, royal grave circle, nearby tholos tombs, and the spectacular
grave goods on display in the National Museum at Athens. Whether or not
any person called Agamemnon ever actually lived, died, and was buried in
the citadel at Mycenae, these items of Greek cultural inheritance have
always been inextricably bound up with his name. Gere reconstructs the
history and significance of Mycenae in the literary and archaeological
records and astutely examines why the place and its denizens have so
gripped the collective consciousness of the West through the centuries:
"This is a story about the power of stories: for twenty-eight centuries
the Iliad has peopled the ruins of Bronze Age Mycenae with the
ghosts of the House of Atreus. Agamemnon was Homer's Lord of Warlords,
and the questions that were asked of him, century upon century, were
always about the meaning of war, about hatred and anger and revenge,
about murderous competitiveness for resources, about the human spilling
of human blood" (23-24).
In Chapter 1, "Narnia on the Peloponnese" (1-24), Gere launches her
story with a description of the intriguing Mask of Agamemnon ("the
Mona Lisa of prehistory," 1), as it strikes the visitor to the
National Archaeological Museum in Athens. As a lead-in to her study in
reception history, Gere gives the particulars of the epic tales of
antiquity and of the dramatic archaeological discoveries of modern
times, outlining "the highly productive career" of the non-existent Tomb
of Agamemnon from ancient times to the revelations by Heinrich
Schliemann and his successors.
Chapter 2, "The Cult of the Hero and the Agony of War" (25-46), notes
that, indicative of his eminence in a tradition of epic poetry
culminating in Homer, a cult commemorating Agamemnon was in place "not
during [Mycenae's] Late Bronze Age heyday, but a little over 400 years
later, when the ruins of the citadel walls stood higher than anything
human-made in the surrounding landscape, attesting to a way of life that
had passed away completely" (25, 27). Gere provides a good, brief
account of the general role of heroic cult in archaic Greek culture. In
a warrior society like that of ancient Greece, Agamemnon and the other
figures of Trojan War legend enjoyed great prestige in the popular
imagination. This was so even though Mycenae itself became merely
another, rather insignificant, city-state in the political dynamics of
classical Greece, controlled by its dominating neighbor, Argos. "Bronze
Age Mycenae...was to classical Greece what classical Greece would
eventually become to nineteenth-century Europe, a place whose ancient
history, legendary reputation and symbolic importance stood in poignant
contrast to its present political impotence, a place that sometimes
seemed to belong to everyone except itself" (34).
Naturally, Gere gives due attention to the "very high cultural
profile" of Agamemnon and his family in fifth-century tragedy,
especially Aeschylus's Oresteia. She then rounds out her
discussion of Mycenae in antiquity: its third-century re-emergence as a
defensive outpost of Argos, replete with refurbished shrines of Ares and
Agamemnon and its abandonment for good in the wake of Roman ascendancy
over old Greece beginning in the second-century BC. The place was now
just one more, albeit fascinating, stop in the second-century AD travel
book of Pausanias, after whose visit "a millennium and a half of silence
fell over the ruins of Mycenae" (47).
Chapter 3, "Mycenae Enlightened" (47-59), takes up the reappearance
of Mycenae in European minds after 1700, when "a Venetian engineer,
scouring the locality for stone with which to build the massive fortress
that still stands on the Palamidi rock in Nauplion, started to dismantle
the debris, uncovering the Lion Gate. Mycenae had reappeared" (48). The
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries saw visits, sporadic excavation, and
accounts of them by rapacious treasure-hunters, for example, Michel
Fourmont, the infamous Lord Elgin, and members of the Society of
Dilettanti (founded 1734), whose taste for pagan antiquities drew them
to Ottoman Greece. "Immediately after the War of Independence, Mycenae's
location in the romantic-nationalist heart of post-Ottoman Europe made
it a convenient symbol either of revolution or of monarchical
counter-revolution, depending on the political tastes of the visitor"
(58). In 1841, the newly established Greek Archaeological Society
cleared the approach to the Lion Gate but, lacking funds, did little
else at the site.
Chapter 4, "Agamemnon Awakened" (60-80), is a nifty retelling of the
familiar story of that self-taught true believer Heinrich Schliemann and
his career as a pioneer archaeologist at Troy and Mycenae. Gere handles
the millionaire self-promoter and predatory excavator of the wonders of
Homeric Greece with due caution, well aware of the important
demythologizing, nay, vilifying expos?s by David Traill1
and William Calder.2
She conveys the spectacular impression of Schliemann's excavations (with
Wilhelm D?rpfeld's corrections and refinements) in the worlds of
scholarship and popular culture. Whatever the shortcomings and
malfeasances evident in Schliemann's work, "Agamemnon was now flesh and
blood, a legend resurrected, an ancient hero awakened to fight the wars
of modernity" (80).
Chapter 5, "Saviour or Antichrist?" (81-94), elaborates further on
the effects of Schliemann's discoveries within the cultural and
political climate of late nineteenth-century Europe. Prominent here, for
example, is the British struggle with the "Eastern Question" vis-?-vis
"the Ottoman empire as a bulwark against the expansion of Russia in
central Asia and eastern Europe" (83). An early champion of Schliemann
was no other than William Gladstone, who, besides being prime minister
(with a philhellenic take on the Eastern Question), was an accomplished
Homeric scholar (of sorts), "the absolute embodiment of the English love
affair with Schliemann's Agamemnon" and "a Homeric literalist who
outstripped Schliemann himself in his imaginative powers and his
tendentious reconstructions" (85, 87). Gere also treats here the
co-option of Schliemann's findings by proponents (especially Emile
Burnouf, a friend of Schliemann and director of the French School at
Athens) of a virulent racist ideology that sought to prove the Aryan
origins of Christianity and to claim Homer's heroes as true Aryan blood
kin of modern Europeans. This sinister strain of the late
nineteenth-century Zeitgeist is evident in the work of much better known
figures as well, like Friedrich Nietzsche, erstwhile professor of Greek
at Basel (see 92-93, on "Aryanised Homeric heroes" in his On the
Genealogy of Morality). In this context, the swastika, a symbol
found in Schliemann's excavations, was taken for an icon of the Aryan
race (much more on this in chapter 7).
Before tracing the twentieth-century deployment of the Aryan myth and
its supposed relevance to Mycenaean material, Gere turns in chapter 6,
"The Birth of the Bronze Age" (95-116), to the emerging specialty of
Bronze Age archaeology. She appraises the invaluable work of Christos
Tsountas, who, though he somewhat neglected the value of pottery, put
Mycenaean archaeology on a much sounder footing: "[Tsountas's] The
Mycenaean Age was the first work of synthesis that delineated a
vision of the Bronze Age as a whole" (97). The early decades of the
twentieth century saw Arthur Evans's addition of the Minoan culture on
Crete to the archaeological story of the Bronze Age. While Evans
believed in a Minoan thalassocracy and colonization of the Greek
mainland, the Briton Alan Wace and the American Carl Blegen saw
Minoan-Mycenaean relations differently; Blegen argued that "the
Mycenaeans had a separate trajectory, culturally dominated by Crete in
their early days but politically and militarily ascendent after 1400
BC..." (112). This is the standard line among scholars to this day. The
chapter ends with an account of Blegen's discovery (at Pylos in April
1939) of a cache of some 600 Linear B tablets. These, with the earlier
finds by Evans at Knossos, made up the critical mass of data needed for
eventual decipherment (discussed in Chapter 8).
Chapter 7, "The Swastika and the Butterfly" (117-144), begins with a
description of Schliemann's garish neoclassical house in Athens (the
present-day Numismatic Museum of Athens), dubbed grandiosely "The Palace
of Troy." Gere observes the ubiquity of the swastika and butterfly
symbols in and around the building, both meant as allusions to items
found in the excavations at Mycenae. Schliemann believed (and wrote)
that the swastika was an emblem of Aryanism. The building's decorative
motifs thus evoke an era "when racial hierarchies and Aryan ideology
were a respectable part of the search for a scientific account of human
origins... Fantasy pagan monuments such as Priam's palace and
Agamemnon's tomb became highly politicized projections of a
post-Christian future, icons of antiquity that were made to bear all the
fears and desires of modernity" (121). Gere deftly traces the
permutations of those fears and desires in the minds of some major
figures in the literary, intellectual, and political history of the fin
de si?cle and the twentieth century, from Gabriele d'Annunzio, the
Cambridge Ritualists, and Hugo von Hofmannsthal through Spengler, Nazi
ideologues, Hilda Doolittle, and Sigmund Freud, to George Seferis and
Henry Miller.
Chapter 8, "A City without Heroes" (145-174) sounds an elegiac note.
In the twenty-first century, "Schliemann has been knocked off his
pedestal, Homer has disappeared from the curriculum, Agamemnon has been
tried as a war criminal and Mycenae has become politically correct"
(145). Gere declares that the new Museum of Mycenae (opened in 2003) is
a testament to a much sounder, historically and scientifically rigorous
assessment of the meaning of our literary and archaeological evidence
about the age of Agamemnon. "Mycenae's great epics and dramas have
yielded to geological analysis, bioanthropological measurement and the
chemistry of food residues" (147). The result has been the emergence of
"a rational archaeology of ordinary daily life" (149) and the
eradication of bogus romantic and racist visions of an age of heroes.
Gere rehearses the prominent place of the new Linear B evidence together
with findings from the systematic excavations of the "Tomb of
Clytemnestra" and Grave Circle B at Mycenae in this transformation of
perspective and gives due notice to Emily Vermeule's masterpiece of
consolidation, Greece in the Bronze Age (Cambridge, Mass. 1964).
Even within the post-war era of studiously objective archaeological
interpretation, however, the influence of political fashion is
perceptible. Gere suggests that Greek archaeologists imparted a subtle
post-colonial flavor to their Museum of Mycenae: "the projected image of
the Mycenaeans as 'creating a nation' may partly express their patriotic
pride at a site whose interpretation was dominated for so long by
foreigners" (147). And, too, in the early 1990s, scholars began to
reconsider the post-World War II de-emphasis of military matters in
Bronze Age archaeology, "as though a post-Cold War rise in temperature
engendered a more welcoming climate for the study of prehistorical
warfare" (170).
Gere concludes by asking "can we finally acknowledge the
battle-scarred heroes of Mycenae without recruiting them to fight?"
(174). This delightful book goes far to answer that question in the
affirmative by combining a crisp, yet nuanced portrayal of the "tomb of
Agamemnon" and associated artifacts with an absorbing history of their
reception through the ages.
The book closes with two bonuses: a coda for tourists, "Making a
Visit?" (175-186), and helpful directions to "Further Reading"
(187-194).3
Notes:
1.
See esp. David A. Traill, Schliemann of Troy: Treasure and Deceit
(New York: St. Martin's, 1995).
2.
E.g., "Schliemann on Schliemann: A Study in the Use of Sources," GRBS
13 (1972) 335-53.
3.
To which add, under Chapter 5, Martin Bernal, Black Athena, vol.
1 (New Brunswick, NJ 1987).
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